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By Dominic Pasura (auth.)

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Extra resources for African Transnational Diasporas: Fractured Communities and Plural Identities of Zimbabweans in Britain

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Godwin (1993, p. 315) estimates that ‘the white population of 232,000 in mid1979 become about 80,000 in 1990’. As Selby (2006, p. 116) further argues, the pattern of emigration ‘suggests that significant numbers of whites were unwilling to accept the prospects of living as a minority group under majority rule’. However, for Stoneman and Cliffe (1989), the majority of white skilled artisans who left were also scared of competition with black Zimbabweans in the job market. The flight of white Zimbabweans abroad captures what Zeleza (2005, p.

When ethnics, exiles, expatriates, refugees, asylum seekers, labor migrants, queer communities, domestic service workers, executives of transnational corporations, and transnational sex workers are all labeled diasporas, the struggle to maintain distinctions is lost. (Tölölyan, 2007, p. 648) While it is laudable to maintain the distinction between dispersion caused by catastrophic origins and dispersion motivated by economic reasons, contemporary movements spurred by globalization and transnationalism mean that distinctions are often blurred.

However, Brownell (2008) argues against casting white emigration exclusively as a by-product of the war. ‘It was not merely those within the Rhodesian Government who sought to alter white migration patterns, but also British and American 40 African Transnational Diasporas bureaucrats, diplomats and politicians, African nationalists and guerrillas’ (Brownell, 2008, p. 594). The British Government induced white emigration as a means to bring about the collapse of the post-Unilateral Declaration of Independence regime (Brownell, 2008).

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